President Biden made the right call last week when he allowed Ukraine to use US-supplied weapons to target Russia. Even if these actions are limited to “anti-fire purposes” only on the northern border of Ukraine, they will increase the security of Ukraine and ours.
First of all, this decision will help Ukraine to fight Russia’s increasing aggression. Taking advantage of the US government’s six-month delay in sending Ukrainian military aid, the Russian autocrat, Vladimir Putin, pushed deeper into eastern Ukraine; launched a new offensive 70 miles north of Ukraine; seized about 180 square miles of Ukrainian territory; fired more than 3,000 glide bombs weighing up to one and a half tons; and intensified bombardments of Ukraine’s second largest city, Kharkiv, wiping out power plants, residences and hardware megastores. More than 100 Ukrainian settlements are under Russian fire every day.
Biden’s announcement appears to have made a difference in the battle. Just two days after the decision, pictures showed Russia’s prized S-300/400 surface-to-air launchers bursting into flames in Russia, about 35 miles from Ukraine’s northern border. Ukraine can be reached only with US-supplied HIMARS missiles. Another attack, possibly with US-supplied M270 launchers, destroyed a Russian base, a weapons storage area and an armored vehicle repair facility. These efforts help Ukraine deter Russia’s Kharkiv offensive and reduce Russia’s capacity to attack the west and potentially target Kyiv.
Second, there is a multiplier effect. The US is the largest supplier of military equipment to Ukraine, our permission is a stronger example than the permission previously granted by the UK and Poland. And the day before Biden’s announcement, French and German leaders said Ukraine should be able to use weapons provided by others to legitimate targets in Russia. We and our allies have now signaled our determination and unity to support Ukraine.
Third, we showed Putin that scaremongering failed. Biden’s announcement rightly contradicted the Kremlin’s threat to attack European countries “with small densely populated areas” if US weapons strike in Russia. Our national security officials have stated that they have not detected any changes in Russia’s nuclear attack preparations. In addition, using nukes in Ukraine or attacking a European country – possibly a NATO member – would undermine Putin’s entire strategy: a bet to reduce international visibility and support to force the surrender of Ukraine.
Fourth, we signal that, limited, Biden’s authority opens the door for Ukraine to pursue more distant goals. Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken stated that the US will “adapt and adjust as necessary” moving forward. This is important. We tell our enemies not to count on the US to always err on the side of restraint. This is important to give pause not only to Moscow, but also to Beijing, Tehran and Pyongyang.
Despite the importance of Biden’s authority, it is not enough. Given the power of Russia in the west, it is very important to strengthen the permit with other measures, especially improving Ukraine’s anti-aircraft capabilities with weapons such as Patriot missiles. The Institute for the Study of War reports that Russia is close to starting production of a more lethal three-ton cruise bomb, which could change the game. The only way is to shoot down the bombers before they drop their payloads. This means that we must do our best to help Ukraine acquire F-16 fighter jets as soon as possible. In doing so, we will also complement Ukraine’s battlefield resilience and significant achievements in developing air and sea drones and long-range artillery.
Ensuring Putin does not win is essential to our security and prosperity. In the past year, they have openly intended to intimidate and challenge us. Moscow conducts joint naval exercises with China near Alaska; conducting tactical nuclear weapons exercises in northern Ukraine; remove the buoys that mark the maritime boundaries around the Baltic states; and reportedly put antisatellite weapons in space. Russia defeating our GPS or seizing an oil platform in Alaska seems unthinkable these days. But so was Russia’s World War II-style invasion of Ukraine about three years ago.
There is special significance in Biden’s timing for the gun authorization, which was announced shortly after Memorial Day. At Arlington National Cemetery, honoring America’s fallen heroes, he sent a reminder not to take our freedom for granted. “Every generation,” he said, “must get it; to fight for it; to defend it.” Democracy and freedom are not just about the type of government, he said, but the “soul of our nation.”
The Ukrainians fought and died. An opinion poll I led in mid-May with the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine – funded by the National Science Foundation – made this clear. Nearly 90% of the 882 Ukrainians surveyed reported war-related trauma, and more than 80% reported losing family members, health, homes and jobs as a result of Putin’s invasion. However, as in the three previous war surveys, 80% believe that democracy and free speech are important for the future. Ukraine’s fight for survival is also a fight for what Americans hold dear.
Mikhail Alexseev, professor of international relations at San Diego State University, is the author of “Without Warning: Threat Assessment, Intelligence, and Global Struggle” and principal investigator of the War, Democracy and Society project funded by the National Science Foundation.