For more than 20 years, I have held one fixed position when it comes to immigration policy: We must have it.
I’m less concerned about the number of immigrants we do each year than I am about the fact that we — voters, policymakers, politicians, what have you — don’t pick numbers.
I would look for 1 million or 2 million immigrants a year. I would also be fine with a temporary freeze on most immigration. I think the preference for skilled immigrants is entirely defensible. I also think a generous asylum policy is better than a narrow one.
But for me, the priority is not the number or kind of immigrants we take in; it makes a decision about the number and kind and keeps it.
If the number is too high or too low, policymakers can change it. If they don’t change, voters can vote for politicians or parties that will. But if Congress says it’s 1 million a year, it must be a real number.
The late Democratic Congresswoman Barbara Jordan of Texas, who chaired the US Immigration Reform Commission in the 1990s, put it succinctly: “The credibility of immigration policy can be measured by a simple measure: People who should come in, people who shouldn’t come in. expelled; and those who are considered deportable must leave.
Credibility is important for any government endeavor, but especially for immigration because some issues show the capacity to spread discontent. The notion that immigration is “out of control” breeds mistrust, fuels nativism and fuels panic and conspiracy theories.
It was never like that. In colonial America, Benjamin Franklin repeatedly warned of the dangers posed by unchecked German immigration, worrying that “they will outnumber us, so that … we … .” In 1798, Congress passed the Alien and Sedition Act, which was remembered for attacking freedom of speech but was motivated by the fear that Frenchmen and other immigrants (ie, Aliens) were the enemy within. Naturalization Act – part of the Act -Alien and Sedition Acts – make it harder for immigrants to become citizens and vote.
The next chapter in this old story involves the Know-Nothings, all the panic over Ireland, the Yellow Peril and of course the “replacement theory.” The same sentiment is now affecting the prospects of right-wing parties in Europe and the domestic success of Donald Trump despite – or because of – all the bad rhetoric about “vermin” and “blood poisoning.”
That’s why President Biden’s border crisis may be the biggest responsibility of his lifetime. Indeed, I would argue that the former informs the attitude towards the latter, because the impression of lawlessness at the border can lead to feelings of strength and overwhelm.
As it does in Europe, this is not just an American problem. Large-scale immigration disrupts politics and society everywhere.
Also, despite America’s past and current struggles with immigration, this country is not anti-immigrant. In 2022, the United States will have about 46 million foreign nationals, more than half of its citizens, about 14% of the population. (Chinese immigrants, by contrast, make up about 0.04% of the population.) No country in the world is better at absorbing and assimilating people, and we should be deeply patriotic.
That’s important to remember because the rhetoric on both sides of the debate makes restoring credibility to our immigration system more difficult. Contrary to Pat Buchanan’s predictions, Mexican Americans have not shown much interest in the “Reconquista” of the American Southwest. And despite the constant screams about American nativism and xenophobia, the melting pot continues to simmer.
As a rule, normal Americans are more sensible and decent on this issue than our leaders. A growing number of Latinos want stronger border and immigration enforcement, a sign that the loudest voices on both sides have lost touch with reality. Indeed, if Trump won the election this year, it was partly because working-class Latinos had assimilated into the culture and politics of other working-class Americans.
The editorial stance of the National Review, where I worked for twenty years, is that if responsible politicians do not deal with immigration responsibly, irresponsible people will exploit the issue to get elected. If the 2016 election wasn’t enough to prove it, 2024 might be.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and host of The Remnant podcast. That’s Twitter @JonahDispatch.
